Policy Position Papers

Constituency Development Fund in Zimbabwe: A Comparative analysis by the

 National Youth development trust (NYDT)

Background and Rationale for the Constituency Development Fund

The Constituency Development Fund (CDF) is one of the initiatives that were launched after the formation of the Inclusive Government in the fiscal budget of 2009/ 2010. The CDF is meant to support developmental efforts at constituency levels while at the same time complementing other programs and projects launched at national level. A total allocation of US$ 8 million was set aside for 210 constituencies in the initial fund. From this amount, each Member of Parliament (MP) was given US$50 000 upon applying for these funds. Essentially, the fund provides additional resources for constituency development by channeling money to constituencies under the management of the MPs.

                                                                                                                          

While these funds are meant to supplement the existing funding mechanisms for local government, they are also supposed to ensure that apart from attending parliamentary debates weekly, MPs also have a reason and obligation to go back to consult and give feedback to their constituents. In a budgetary statement by the Minister of Finance, Tendai Biti, he stated that

“the funds are meant for the construction of boreholes, the repair of schools and clinics, the purchase of electrical generators and building of market stalls”[1], and other development projects as identified and prioritised by the local citizens.

Therefore, the CD funds are meant to be used for bypassing the red tape procedures generally associated with government driven projects, as well as act as the necessary vehicle to foster development initiatives at constituency level under the constant guidance of the legislature.

The structure of management of these funds comprises the Member of Parliament (chairperson), councilors and the Senator. Overall, these funds are administered by the Ministry of Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs on the basis of an annual development plan submitted by the Constituency. All this is meant to be guided by the constitution and accounting officers- comprising the Controller, Auditor general and Accountant General.

Unlike other development funds that filter from the central government through larger and more layers of administrative organs and bureaucracies, it is expected that the funds under this initiative go directly to local levels and thus provide people at grassroots levels the opportunity to make expenditure decisions as well as have a direct hand in the local development initiatives.

It is highly greatly understood that people at a community level are best positioned to dictate the pace of their own development and to align their problems to possible relevant solutions. This acts as a good initiative for Community Driven Development (CDD) that underlines the identification of the problems and solutions in the lower echelons of the community. Thus promoting community ownership, sustainability and reducing expenditure wastage. If implemented constructively, the CDF has a potential of enhancing the capacity of local communities in coping with the challenges they face.

An in-depth analysis of both institutional, design and implementation factors of community development, it is worth noting that central budget allocation can not wholesomely deal with very specific priority rankings of each local community needs and expectations but can be necessarily broader in focus. Hence the rationale of the CDF becomes relevant in targeting specific needs of relevant communities. Projects are generally expected to vary across constituencies given the different needs of each particular community.

The initiative further offers a possibility for decentralization of decisions and fiscal expenditure. Thus, moving communities from being too government dependent to independent societies. Views forwarded on the strengths of CDFs highlight that the initiative fits partially as a devolution model. Devolution involves redistribution of decision making power and authority through legislation (an act of parliament or the constitution) and characteristically involves the creation of political decision making units, mostly elected councils. The CDF program partially fits in the devolution model in the sense that it has been established through legislation and the MP who is responsible for the program in the constituency is an elected official. However, unlike in pure fiscal decentralization which is characterized by both revenues and expenditures, CDF is a one sided fiscal decentralization scheme since expenditure are not linked to the local revenue sources or fiscal effort. However, the fitting is not perfect to the extent to which the program is not managed through an elected council but rather through the Constitutional Parliamentary Affairs.

The CDF as a developmental program acts as a necessary platform for local communities to debate on the relevant issues that affect them. They prescribe their own solutions that dovetail neatly to their own needs and expectations.

The Efficiency and Efficacy of the CDF in Zimbabwe: A Perspective

Cases of MPs in Zimbabwe applying for the Constitutional Development Funds have been noted since their introduction in 2010. A total of 209 out of 210 MPs[2] applied for the resources so as to foster development at their communities. According to parliamentary sources only Tsholotsho MP Jonathan Moyo did not apply for the fund. Up to date a range of projects have been implemented by various MPs at a community level. Examples of how CD funds have been constructively used thus far include that of Lobengula-Njube MP, Hon. Samuel Sipepa Nkomo, whose development committee had a total of 1,112 chairs repaired and 275 new ones bought, while 356 desks repaired and 15 new ones bought. The committee also donated new generators and science equipment to secondary schools in the constituency.  The school furniture repairs were done by a group of young people in the constituency in order to create employment for the community.

Nomalanga Mzilikazi Khumalo of uMzingwane constituency reportedly allocated the $50 000  CDF to 20 wards and discussed with her councillors  on how  it  could be used to improve  standards of living in those communities. MP for Highfield East, Pearson Mungofa reported that the funds were utilized towards the drilling of boreholes in 3 primary schools in his constituency as well as purchasing furniture for secondary school. Another MP that has come out in the open on CDF is Margaret Zinyemba of Mazowe South who stated that the funds were channeled towards renovation of a number of schools and clinics in 9 wards[3]. Other MPs that have been reported in the media as having used the CDF to benefit their constituencies include Fani Munengami of Glenview North and Thokozani Khuphe of Mzilikazi- Makokoba, among others.

Despite these positives the initiative presents opportunities for flaws both at an institutional and implementation level. The possibility of participatory problem identification and implementation is minimal. Few MPs have done concise consultations on the needs and expectations of the intended beneficiaries. Communities have been left out in the problem identification, project appraisal, project implementing stage and Monitoring stages. Particularly, the youths have been excluded in participating in such developmental initiatives. This has left most people not being aware what a CDF is and the role it is meant to play in communities. Similarly, majority of the people have difficulties in pin pointing the exact projects that fully utilized these funds. This situation is not peculiar to Zimbabwe as countries like Uganda[4] showed that 87 percent of the population where not aware of these funds 4 years after they had been introduced[5].  Such cases make it difficult for participatory monitoring and evaluation of identified projects. Thus, information gap in Zimbabwe has worked against the CDFs and reduced its effectiveness in contributing towards development.  

The CDF in Zimbabwe has showed that there is lack of participatory accountable mechanisms. The institutional structures set around the CDF have somehow excluded communities. For example, the committees at a constituency level comprise of only the MPs, Councilors and the Senate with complete exclusion of members of the community. Cases of communities and civic organizations demanding accountability in the funds have caused a lot of controversy. For example, when Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association (BPRA) recently offered the residents of Magwegwe a platform to quiz their MP, Felix  Magalela Sibanda, the organisation received heavy resentment from the legislature[6]. Therefore, this shows heavy secrecy clouding the accountability of the funds hence leading members of the community to assume that the MPs have used these funds as a self enriching pot. There must be local means of accounting for the funds and committees must be obligated to hire local help for implementation of projects before hiring external services. This will ensure that there is job creation and resource retention within the constituency.

An in-depth analysis of economies of scale on the implemented projects has not been highly factored by most legislatures. This is quite true given the similarity of most projects that do not take advantage of the local resources of the intended communities. For example, most if not all projects have been focusing on drilling boreholes and purchasing furniture for schools and clinics, whilst development takes into account the size of the jurisdictions, population size, density, degree of urbanization, levels of education, poverty levels and scope of economic activities.  From the range of projects noted this far, one might be mistaken to assume that these projects are meant for a homogeneous society. At another level failure to appreciate the economies of scale of a particular community generates a high risk of duplicating projects of local authorities. Some projects are not strategically positioned to utilize the internal resources of that particular community. As such some initiatives of the CDF are not in cohorts or are a mere duplication of the local authorities’ master plan.   

Another issue worth mentioning is the fact that political leaders tend to view the CDF as an investment for their political careers. Politicians (MPs and Councilors) prefer projects that maximize political returns whereas the electorate would prefer projects that maximize their welfare. Though this from a general perspective may appear to be inconsonant but there are many cases where political maximization is not equivalent to welfare maximization. Thus, MPs end up dictating or utilizing the funds under the guise of their political intelligence. Theoretically, when these two clash the politicians can easily subdue the demands of the people or deprive them of the right to account for these funds.

Perhaps an overlooked issue is that the CDF has the potential of making the legislatures undermine their oversight role. There has been a general hype created on the issue of the CDFs and this has acted as centre of attraction for the MPs. Reports from the media show that the issue of CDFs has been one of the main issues discussed by the legislatures “in almost every parliamentary session”[7]. Similarly the legislatures became so much engrossed in formulating and developing projects that are meant to consume the targeted funds thus neglecting their oversight role.

Recommendations

Given the state of affairs in the disbursement and institutional operations of the CDF, it is imperative for an in-depth repositioning of the funds as they have the potential of fostering community development.

·         There is need for inclusiveness in the Constituency Development Fund. This could be achieved through incorporating community members in the committees that comprise of the local leadership, youths, the elderly, women, the physically challenged and child representatives amongst other sectors.

·         There is a need for capacity and technical enhancement of Legislatures and communities in appreciating community development issues.

·         CDF would be impossible to monitor in cases where there is no guaranteed access to quality information at ward levels. Legislatures should first seek to empower citizens and the youths with information regarding development projects and processes at their area to improve participation and accountability

·         MPs need to partner CSOs and CBOs in educating the citizens firstly on the role of MPs and secondly on how they could fully and effectively utilize these funds

·         Identified projects should be submitted or drawn up in liaison with local councils so as to reduce elements of duplication, the creation of a parallel structure and the full exploitation of the economies of scale

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[1] See, Budget of 2009, www.hansard.co.zw

[2] The only legislature who did not apply for the funds was Professor Jonathan Moyo, an MP for Tsholotsho.

[3] www.newzimbabwe.com

[4] Uganda introduced CDF in 2003 and suspended this initiative in 2007 after its lack of viability and high levels of corruption. The report in question was a study conducted to ascertain its pros and cons thus coming up with possible solutions for it to be reintroduced. Another case study worth noting is Kenya which was the first African country to implement CDFs as a measure to alleviate community poverty.

[5] It is worth noting that information gap in Uganda contributed to the failure and lack of positive Impact in Uganda.

[6] See Chronicle, Tuesday 7 June 2011

[7]  This was noted when MPs were disgruntled over the inadequacy of the funds following the initial disbursement of US$ 20 000. See, www.zimindependent.co.zw , www.zimeye.com



CONSTITUTION MAKING PROCESS IN ZIMBABWE: AVENUES FOR effective YOUTH PARTICIPATION

“The Constitution of a nation is not simply a structure which mechanically defines the structures of government and the relation between the government and the governed, it is a "mirror of the national soul", the identification of the ideals and aspirations of a nation, the articulation of the values binding its people and disciplining its government"- Ismael Mohammed[1]

“..a super imposed constitutional formulae or constitutional arrangements that….do not address the real causes of the discontent, are sure to generate their own legitimacy crisis.”[2]

A critical Appreciation of the constitution making process in Zimbabwe this far

The importance of the Constitution is undisputable as it is the central point of all governance issues and one of the tenants of democratisation. Constitutional democracy entails using the constitution as a supreme and fundamental law to regulate and limit the powers of government as well as to secure the efficacy of such limitations in actual practice. Similarly, the Constitution ensures that the legitimacy of the government is regularly established by requiring that its powers are not assumed or exercised without the mandate of the people. This end is achieved through periodic, regular, free and fair elections that are administered by well defined electoral laws espoused in a nation’s constitution.

A good constitution assures the protection of fundamental rights of a nation’s citizens, impartiality and independent conduct of the three arms of state and above all the safety, security of citizens and the rule of law.  Therefore, the aim of any country is to achieve a constitutional order that is legitimate, credible, enduring and structurally accepted by its people without compromising the integrity and effectiveness of governance.

However, Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular has been facing challenges in its quest to achieve constitutional order. Zimbabwe’s current constitution was crafted in 1979 under the Lancaster House agreement and has succumbed to a record of 19 Amendments to date. Attempts to craft a new constitution in the year 2000 were rejected by the people of Zimbabwe in a referendum. Various interlocking factors help to explain the "no vote". Amongst them was the lack of wider consultation with the responsible committee alleged to be purely elitist (500 members comprising mostly MPs)[3] and a perception that it was a ZANU-PF attempt to smuggle a Constitution of its liking. Thus the search for a viable, acceptable and a credible constitution in Zimbabwe continues as evidenced by Constitutional Amendment number 19 which legalised the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008. Amongst other things, the GPA stated the need for a people driven and people oriented constitution in Zimbabwe[4]. As such, since June 2010 the country has embarked on a drive towards the constitution making process.

 The stages that have been implemented thus far are as follows:

·         The Appointment of the Constitution Select Committee

·         All stakeholders Conference

·         Outreach consultations

·         Data uploading

·         Sitting of thematic committees.

The stages that remain are as follows:

• Drafting stage
• Second all stakeholders conference
• Draft constitution debate in Parliament
• Referendum[5]

However, an in depth analysis of the process thus far shows that it has been marred by a lot of errors and inconsistencies. A delay in the process and poor financial and logistical arrangements ascertains this claim. Adding to the suppression of people’s views at the outreach stage, the collation stage of the process has been viewed as an indirect attempt by political parties to influence the content, further reducing the credibility of the whole process. An issue of major concern for youth centered organisations like NYDT is the limited youth participation thus far. According to reports from COPAC, only 22,58% of outreach meeting participants nationwide were youths[6]. This is increadibly low in view of the fact that youths make up about 66 percent of Zimbabwe’s total population.

Provincial statistics further help to ascertain skewed youth participation. In Bulawayo for example, out of a total of 11 556 participants only 2 611 constituted the youths[7]. Only 7 000 youths in Matabeleland South participated in the process out of a total of 48 000 participants. In essence these statistics show that in each province less than 10 percent of the youths managed to cast their opinion during the collation stage. Important to note is the fact that these statistics do not show any meaningful or positive contribution by the youths at the meetings but just their presence.

It is worthy to contextualize the political historiography in Zimbabwe so as to ascertain meaningful youth participation. Political parties in the past have managed to permeate the youths and use them as objects only to achieve political ends. The orgy of youth driven violence in the elections of 2000, 2005 and 2008 further substantiate this view[8]. More so, media reports of “youth militia attempting to influence the process” were noted[9]. Also, through their structures, political parties aimed to indoctrinate their party positions to youths thus eliminating independent and critical thinking during the whole process. 

Critics have come in strongly in offering a comparison of the current constitution making process with that of 2000. Such critics no doubt are meant to show the inconsistencies of COPAC as well as draw the committee to take positives from the previous process. Amongst the positives of the 2000 process was the effort made to include the participation of youths as evidenced by consultations in schools, colleges, universities, churches and some youth centers. Also, the consultations in the year 2000 targeted people living with disability as evidenced by the meetings at Jairos Jiri. Jairos Jiri was also targeted in the current process but not the youths in above mentioned institutions. 

The timing of the COPAC outreach stage has been further used to expose the exclusion of the above mentioned groups. For example, the outreach meetings were done when Universities and Colleges were opened as well as during times when most school going pupils were in lessons.  As a result most students and school going pupils did not offer their input into the envisioned “supreme law of the land”. This has been further used to justify the low turnout of the youths in COPAC consultation stages.

Zimbabwe’s historiography is unique, thus it should have been imperative for COPAC to incorporate this in their planning. For the past ten years Zimbabweans have been migrating to other countries due to numerous reasons including political insecurity and to seek economic sustainability. This has seen more than three million Zimbabweans being exiled in numerous foreign lands. However, despite the fact that COPAC made promises to hold outreach meetings in the Diaspora this turned out to be daunting task for them to accomplish. Attempts to fill this gap were made in the form of a website, however in most if not all cases the live chart was not active meaning that some Zimbabweans failed to make their input into this important process.

Perhaps an interesting observation to note in the constitution making process is the fact that COPAC seemed to admit only to financial challenges and hardly any administrative or implementation challenges. It is the view of NYDT and indeed a number of other civic society (CSOs) sector organisations that COPAC would have achieved a lot with better results and fewer resources if direct consultation with, or even direct involvement from CSOs had been allowed. A number of these institutions have structures in rural areas and work with specific special interest groups that would have been easily consulted or included in the process. Also, the CSOs could have been useful in the success of the meetings in the Diaspora.  While individuals from CSOs were engaged, this is a far cry from working with an institution that champions specific objectives and mandates for its members. 

CSOs cannot escape the blame in the errors of the constitution making process so far. Many times organisations concentrated on the failures of the process, low participant numbers and failed to ensure that those who did go to the meetings understood fully the talking points and knew how to articulate their issues as constitutional concerns. Many reports sent out by Civic society revealed little to do with how they had ensured that citizens know how to articulate for example the full understanding of the three arms of state, decentralization/ devolution or the introduction of a competitive system in the economy. Many were concerned with participants being turned away or inadequately informed of venues and times without really encouraging people to articulate issues critically from an informed position. While these were genuine concerns, it is also very true that it was more important for participants to contribute meaningfully at meetings than to just attend them.

A window of opportunity for youths

No doubt the current constitution making process in Zimbabwe has been noted with concern by various institutions and organisations. Of interest to NYDT in particular is the skewed participation of youths. However, the remaining stages in the constitution making process present an opportunity for various groups in general and youths in particular to proactively participate. These include, the second all stakeholders meeting, debates in parliament and the referendum. In all these phases, the youths still have an opportunity to ensure that they meaningfully influence the constitution making process.

Second All Stakeholders Conference

The 2nd stakeholders’ conference will involve mostly the civic society and the various interest groups to discuss on the content and process of the constitution making process. The youths through identified stakeholders that represent their interest can lobby for their concerns to be included in this Conference. It is imperative to note that this cannot be achieved in scenarios where information disparities amongst the youths prevail. Therefore, firstly it is the role of youths to be proactive and inquisitive enough to gather necessary information regarding the content of the constitution. Secondly, CSOs have a precise role to play in informing (not influencing the youths with their opinions) on the constitution making process. Similarly it would be imperative for the inclusion of the media fraternities in properly disseminating information.  

Parliamentary Debate of the constitution making

In this stage of the constitution making process, the parliamentarians have a mandatory role to consult members in their constituencies on the contents of the constitution making process. Parliamentarians, community leaders, Civic society organisations and all responsible members of society must ensure the mass reproduction and distribution of the draft constitution. This will guarantee that people know what is being debated and in turn what they will be voting for come the time for the referendum. Consultative meetings and platforms for debate in the communities and in the media must be availed if this process is to be a success. It must also be noted that this stage of the process has the great potential of including more of the excluded voices of the outreach meeting stage. Obviously, this would be to assume that all legislatures are progressive democratic proponents and there is a linear progression of political dispensation. Also, it is with the hope that the legislatures ensure that they will cast aside their political positions in the debate and constructively proffer arguments that are mirror to their communities’ needs and aspirations.

The youths in this scenario have a duty to actively discuss the content of the constitution in the presence of their legislators. It is also imperative that young people take note of feedback sessions with parliamentarians in order to take advantage of this stage of the process to input their views. Young people and youth focused organisations can also hold their own consultative processes so as to promote constructive debates. Youths can at this time conduct outreach meetings where they also take the draft to other young people and debating commissions to ensure that their peers know and understand what is included in this draft (peer to peer education). CSOs on the other hand have an opportunity to complement this through the creation of necessary platforms for debate and constructive input from people.

Referendum

The last key stage would call for the youths to actively participate as the rightful citizens of the country through casting their ballot during the referendum exercise. Far from being passive or negative participants in the electoral process, youths need to claim their space and contribute towards the final implementation of the Constitution. Obviously this end has to be achieved when the youths register as eligible voters.  So far, the Registrar General’s office has been very stiff in terms of registering new voters or ensuring that those that turn eighteen are able to acquire the necessary documents to register. Given this state of affairs youths have to start acquiring necessary documentation for them to be eligible voters. Youth organisations and other CSOs are thus mandated to lobby for mobile registration centers, assist youths in acquiring necessary registration documents as well encouraging people in general to register as voters.

It is NYDT’s position that no constitutional referendum must be held before a thorough clean up of the voters roll.
An April 2010 audit of the voters roll carried out by the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), the country’s election watchdog, showed that at least 27 per cent of voters registered in the current voters roll are deceased and only 18% of those registered are youths aged between 18-30[10]. It is therefore NYDT’s recommendation that if the Registrars office fails to clean up the voters roll in time for the referendum, national IDs be used for the purposes of this occasion only. ID voting is not recommended for other elections as it may allow for massive rigging. However, it may be used as a once off stop gap measure to allow all eligible citizens to input into the constitution making process.

It must be understood that going to the constitutional referendum with a messed up voters roll may mean many of the views that were expressed in the COPAC meetings, no matter how good may be undermined. Unregistered youths will be deprived of the chance to either reject or endorse the constitution they want. This will mean all the efforts to get young people’s wishes included in the constitution will have been futile. It is therefore NYDT’s recommendation that the Registrar General’s Office must prioritize the cleaning up the voters roll.

 There must also be a deliberate voter registration drive for young people so that they take an active part in the referendum process of the constitution making. NYDT recommends that mobile registration centers be set up while all national identity Card issuing centers have registration points to allow for a “one stop” service delivery. Furthermore, given the amount of resources needed for this kind of exercise, the RG’s office must partner with civic society organisations like NYDT in different parts of the country to help mobilize young people to register to vote. This will ensure that the constitution making process has a complete buy in from all sectors of society, young people in particular. It will also build the credibility of the electoral process and the electorate’s confidence in the system. Similarly, youths and youth groups need to be proactive in lobbying and advocating for the cleanup of the voters roll before the nation goes to the referendum.

Conclusion

Despite evident disparities in the constitution making process thus far, the participation of youths in particular is very much imperative for an attempt at democratizing the country. Youths still have an opportunity to effectively participate in the remaining stages of the constitution making process. However, to ensure that this end is achieved the youths need to participate from an informed position so that they get to articulate their issues using relevant channels. Obviously this contributes to youths being exploited. Strategic stakeholders in the form of CSOs and the media have a role to play in ensuring that all interest groups are somehow involved in this otherwise important national process.

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[1] Justice Ismail Mohammed is the former (and late) Chief Justice of South Africa

[2] Jan var der Vyer;  Constitutional options for Post Apartheid South Africa.

[3] J. Hanchard; Some lessons on Constitution making from Zimbabwe, Journal of African Law, 45 (2), 2001

[4] See the Global Political Agreement.

[5] See update from Copac on; www.copacgva.org

[6] See media report from COPAC; www.copaccgva.org

[7] Ibid

[8] See L. Bhebhe on the Politics of Regime Change in Post colonial Zimbabwe, 2010, S. J Ndlovu-Gatsheni on Zimbabwe’s nationalist Military alliance.

[9] www.finacialgazette.co.zw/.../9l060-constitution-making-process-hits-sang.html, also see www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/5442.

[10] http://www.zesn.org.zw/publications/publication_280.pdf

Saving for future generations untenable when current generation in dire poverty

Youths have described as ludicrous and untenable the government of Zimbabwe’s plan of setting up what is called a Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) to “save proceeds of exhaustible resources for  future generations”, the Minister of Youth Development Indigestion and Economic Empowerment , Saviour Kasukuwere was quoted as saying.

SWFs are normally set up by economically stable governments with little or no international debt as a form of investing their budgetary surpluses.

There are two types of SWFs, the saving funds and the stabilization funds. Stabilization SWFs are created to reduce the volatility of government revenues, to counter the boom-bust cycles' adverse effect on government spending and the national economy. Zimbabwe wants to establish the savings SWF, which are meant to build up savings for future generations. In a normal situation, this is a good investment for Zimbabwe as SWFs are recommended for mineral wealthy nations such as those dependent on oil, copper or diamonds exports. Zimbabwe is indeed a mineral wealthy nation that could consider the option, but only if this mineral wealth has already benefited current generations.

The government is currently failing to use the Chiadzwa diamond returns to fund civil servants’ salaries let alone to fully account for the proceeds. Ordinary citizens cannot afford basic (currently substandard) health care. The education sector although improving is still a shadow of what it once was while unemployment levels are souring at over 75%. How then can this ‘mineral wealthy’ government say it has surplus returns to put into a savings SWF?

Furthermore, a party like ZANU PF has a legacy of abusing public funds for the benefit of its ‘comrades’ while propelling populist party agendas. State institutions have been used for partisan benefit to the extent that no-one but Kasukuwere and his party know about the youth fund. There seems to be secrecy surrounding how all young people can access it if at all.  It is only heard of during the budget speeches and never again. The reserve bank is another classic example of the institutional weaknesses. Gideon Gono, its former almighty governor, is particularly known for taking foreign funds belonging to non-governmental organizations for quasi-fiscal notoriety such as the so-called sanctions-busting programs by ZANU PF. What then can stop this government from abusing the SWF system for partisan benefits?

An economic research paper done on Zimbabwe by Benson Zwizwai, Admore Kambudzi and Bonface Mauwa for the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) cites several failed economic stances taken by the Zimbabwean government since 1980. They state that “In pursuing its development objectives, the government developed several plans: the Transitional National Development Plan (TNDP), the First Five Year National Development Plan (FFYNDP), the Second Five Year National Development Plan (SFYNDP), the Economic Structural Adjustment Program (ESAP), the Zimbabwe Program for Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST) and, more recently, the Zimbabwe Millennium Economic Recovery Programme. Most of the objectives of these plans were never realized and in almost all cases, the targets, particularly growth targets, were never met. Some aspects of the plans were never implemented and an outstanding example is an aspect relating to science and technology policy for industrial development that was first mentioned in 1981. The Second Five Year National Development Plan was sidelined in favour of ESAP.”

SWFs have also been viewed as strategic for eventualities such as the creation of war chests for sudden military expeditions.  For example, the Kuwait Investment Authority during the Gulf war managed excess reserves above the level needed for currency reserves. In the Zimbabwean case, this could be a great cause for concern given its past questionable military expeditions like the Congo war that put the country’s economy in a slump during the 1990s. The secretive nature of government on its military expenditure can also leave room for fears that once an SWF fund is set up, it could be abused in future for dubious military expeditions that the previous Zimbabwean government is notorious for.

In light of the above, and other damning economic analyses by various economists locally and abroad, there is very little to convince ordinary Zimbabweans that the SWF will be possible let alone work for the benefit of future generations.  Admittedly, Kasukuwere did mention that the plan would be “operational as soon as it is practical” however judging from past equally spontaneous, badly planned and botched economic policies, this could mean immediately. It is thus prudent to state categorically that long as industries in Bulawayo continue to shut down or relocate, leaving tens of thousands of youths unemployed and desperate for survival, SWF will not be practical. As long as college fees remain exorbitantly high to the extent that students have to drop out or spend semester breaks doing piece jobs in South Africa and Bostwana to raise tuition fees because the government is failing to subsidize their fees, SWFs will not be practical. As long as primary, secondary, and high schools are not free in Zimbabwe, saving for future generations will not be practical. As long as government is failing to provide anti-retroviral drugs for the hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans that need them and are still on the waiting list, this SWF will not be practical.

In other words, what is the use of saving for future generations when current generations are drowning in poverty. If these funds are not cleverly invested now, on this generation, then there will be no future generations to talk about Mr Minister. Besides, as has been said in the past, decisions such as this, must never be unilateral but inclusive of all members of society. Therefore, before even thinking about such a fund, Kasukuwere has to clarify how these funds are going to be collected and by whom. Where and how will they be invested and managed. NYDT shall continue to call upon the government to be accountable and to develop the capacity of youths to demand accountability and transparency in policy formulation and implementation. The organization also calls upon youths and stakeholders to reject unilateralist and self-serving policy formulation and demand multi-stakeholder approach and accountability.

National Youth service: ITS feasibIlity AND EFFICIENCY IN THE CURRENT DISPENSATION

A Position Paper By the National Youth Development Trust

 The National Youth Service (NYS) is provided for by the Zimbabwe National Service Act of 1979 which set benchmarks on who could be incorporated into the Zimbabwe National Youth Service and the Military[1]. The National Youth Service Act of 1999 further legalized the creation of the national youth service as an important component in youth development. The National Youth Policy of 2000 went on to underline the importance of the NYS as a developmental platform for youths. The Government of Zimbabwe Started implementing the NYS programme in 2001. On paper the programme was meant to be a gateway to national economic and social development for young people. It was meant to inculcate the values of national identity, patriotism, unity and oneness, discipline and self reliance among young people in Zimbabwe[2]. However, at implementation stage it turned out to be a politically motivated and biased programme that violated the rights of both the recruited youths and society at large. The program was also meant to equip youths with leadership development and life skills training. Reports from the Solidarity Peace Trust revealed that although the service was initially meant to target youths, reports indicate that children as young as 10 years old were also targeted for the whole program[3]. The program was officially halted in 2009 due to financial constraints and alleged abuse of mandate which led the Government of National Unity to suspend its operations.

The National Youth Service program is not peculiar to Zimbabwe. Actually, there exists an International Association for National Youth Service (IANYS), which is a global network of professionals working to promote youth service around the world. It is therefore in no doubt a noble concept, but prone to manipulation and abuse if implemented in a non-transparent manner. Nigeria’s version of the NYS, for example, was launched in 1973 and was implemented to promote the ideals of national unity as well as a sense of common destiny among Nigerians. The timing of the Nigerian NYS was more aligned towards the elimination of mental suspicion and mistrust that had been brought forth by the civil war. Another example of the NYS is the Mexican model that amongst other things requires all university students to participate in the University Service Social program in the last third of their academic programs as a part of the tertiary curriculum. This program was established by law in 1944 to involve and use university resources to meet the national goal of eliminating poverty through skills training. All medically trained professionals are required to serve in disadvantaged communities for one year before they can be licensed.  In 1996, for example, recruits were given the option of either serving in the army or in one of three national service programs involving adult literacy, social work and sports promotion. NGOs and government youth organizations also organized youth service projects.  

Before being stopped, the Zimbabwean version, amongst other things, included marching drills, morning runs and daily chores. The participants were expected to spend at least three months under such training and one month doing community engagement which involved construction of bridges and offering their services in clinics. On paper National Youth Service had positives, however empirical evidence on the implementation suggest otherwise. There were reports of the abuse of young people, the service acting as a pot of breeding child/ youth soldiers as evidenced by the pseudo military style of training that was aligned to the principles of Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). 

Young people’s right to employment was also infringed upon while their dependency and proneness to manipulation was increased when the government made the training “compulsory” as some school leavers were denied access to state tertiary training facilities and civil service posts, including teaching and nursing, without undergoing the youth training. Also, it should be noted that training was gender insensitive in all aspects as both young girls and boys received similar treatment without respecting peculiar needs of each group and sex. As if this was not enough, NYS excluded people living with disabilities as evidenced by the nature of the training.

The NYS Curriculum was biased and skewed. A case in point is the fact that it lacked subjects of peace and transformation as a means of promoting nationalism and gender mainstreaming with heavy concentration on patriotism and nationalism. Moreover the historical modules were biased to the extent that they did not reflect the true role played by all political activists and parties in the country’s liberation struggle thereby distorting history and affecting young people’s capacity to relate to the history of Zimbabwe.

The implementation of NYS was a violation of human rights at various levels. At one level, the immediate beneficiaries succumbed to ill-treatment, torture and rape during the training programme. At another level, graduates from the program have since 2002 been found at the centre of human rights violations with accusations ranging from murder, torture, rape, destruction of property and playing an adverse role in electoral processes[4]. If anything these young people have been highly indoctrinated for use as campaign tools and machinery of violence in communities. Above all, these multiple effects had an adverse psychological impact on the graduates and communities.

The level of violence perpetrated by these graduates was intense to an extent that people perceived the whole programme in a negative manner thus labeling participants with names like ‘green bombers’, ‘youth militia’ and ‘ZANU PF youths’. So when attempts to reintroduce the training programme from crèche level were tabled, various stakeholders (including NYDT) shot down such a proposal[5] because of the level of negativity still associated with it.

Despite these damning weaknesses, the Minister of Youth Development, Empowerment and Indigenisation, Saviour Kasukuwere, recently announced that his Ministry is planning to reintroduce the National Youth Service after ‘pleas’ from young people[6].  The Minister was quoted in the media as pointing out that some “adjustments” have been made to the program and efforts are underway to table the proposal in Parliament[7]. The media reports also reiterate that the parties in the Inclusive Government are strongly in support of the reintroduction of the National Youth Service stating that it gives young people a sense of belonging[8].

However, the current political dispensation needs to be interrogated at length for one to ascertain the viability and feasibility of the reintroduction of a National Youth Service programme in Zimbabwe. Fears of the program being high-jacked by politicians are eminent. The timing of the initiative raises eyebrows among citizens. From a general perspective the program could be a means of sustaining ZANU PF militarization of politics and to guarantee the generational continuity of the so called ‘third Chimurenga’ generation of pseudo war-veterans by recruiting and indoctrinating youths through the NYS[9].   The program if not properly checked can be used to settle political scores thus reducing attempts to democratize the country.

The recent hype of elections also presents another problematic area for the immediate reintroduction of NYS. The coincidence of calls for its reintroduction with that of elections by ZANU PF is also not only suspicious but arguably a calculated move to beef up the machinery of violence during elections to ensure ZANU PF victory. The graduates face a high risk of being exploited for political machinations. The previous incidents of the “youth militia” causing harm and havoc in various areas were eminent during election periods[10], as noted in elections of 2002, 2005 and 2008.

Also, NYS has economic implications which need to be considered. The NYS program gobbled US 6 (six) million dollars annually at a time when the country was experiencing hyper inflation and serious economic challenges[11].  

Recommendations

It is imperative that the program fosters a sense of nationalism, leadership development, human rights awareness and life skills for youths. To achieve this, it should be rolled out in a non-partisan and highly professional manner which would be in line with regional and international best practices.

If NYS is to be reestablished, government must ensure that it is rebranded so as to have a positive and fruitful impact to the youths in Zimbabwe. This would ensure that young people will fully embrace the program due to its inclusive nature thus enhancing ownership and sustainability.

Critical stakeholders (civic society, churches, CBO’s, Government bodies) who interface with young people should collectively develop a curriculum for use in the training exercise. The curriculum should include constructive life skills, human rights and leadership training. This must be multi-sectoral in approach and would be rolled out in consultation with young people and youth organizations. 

In its implementation the training should be gender sensitive and incorporate young people living with disabilities. This would further contribute towards total participation and inclusion youths.

Positive lessons can be drawn from other countries that have implemented similar programs with successful outputs. One of the methods involves incorporating the NYS at tertiary institutions were students embark on community services with bias towards their field of study or choice.  For example grandaunts in medical field will contribute to the health sector. This will ensure that the program has meaningful contribution towards life skills and national human resource needs. Participants can also be attached to their communities to ensure that local skills work to develop local areas. This will grow young people’s sense of responsibility and belonging to their immediate communities.

There must be a clear monitoring and evaluation mechanism that will rate the effectiveness of the programme. This will enable stakeholders to gradually alter the programme to suit the current needs of young people as it is rolled out. There is need for transparency in the selection of recruits and trainers and a clear policy on administration, implementation and monitoring and evaluation exercise of the program.

Conclusion

The National Youth Service remains a noble and viable idea towards inculcating national values and ethos. However, its implementation from 2001 to 2009 was marred with loopholes and proneness to politicization which caused more harm than good and will take years if not decades to correct. Given these lessons, it would be very premature for the nation to embark on the program without the necessary research, consultation, funding and re-branding. The nation needs to draw lessons from other countries such as Mexico, China and Nigeria that have implemented National Youth Service with differing successes. The leadership and all responsible Zimbabweans should guard against the reestablishment of the program for political expediency and ensure that the program safeguards the national ethos through inculcation of such values in the Zimbabwean youth.

NYDT is a civic sector organisation committed to influencing and developing sustainable leadership qualities in young people for their effective contribution to the nation’s political, economic, social, cultural, education, health and agricultural fields. We are found at Office number 501, 5^th Floor Lapf House Between Jason Moyo and Fife Street, along 8^th Avenue. We can be contacted at nydtzim@gmail.com/ youthziminfo@gmail.com/ or leave a comment on our blog site at bulawayoyouthcouncil.wordbress.com

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[1][1] Shumba R: National Identities in the National Youth Service of Zimbabwe, University of Johannesburg, (unpublished Dissertation), 2006. 

[2] See the Ministry of Youth and Development: www.mdgec.gov.zw/nys.htm

[3] www.SARPN.org

[4] These youths have been at the forefront in thwarting opposition activities, disturbing meetings during elections as well influencing the recent collation stage constitution making process by attempting to suppress the views of people who are not pro- ZANU PF.

[5] See NYDT position on Introduction of National Youth Service from crèche, January 2011.

[6] Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation: National Youth Service noble: MDC-T, 24 June 2011.

[7] See Sunday News 26 June 2011.

[8] Ibid

[9] See NYDT’s position paper on the introduction of the National Youth Service from crèche, January 2011.

[10] The term has been popularly used to imply the youths that underwent this training because of the military activities noted in their conduct and also for associating with ZANU PF.

[11] Dr. S Chingarande, A review of the National Youth Service Program In Zimbabwe, Draft Paper, 2011.